THE ADVOCATE 943
VOL. 76 PART 6 NOVEMBER 2018
of political accommodation. The 1817 treaty that limited the size of warships
on the Great Lakes is a prime example.
Since 1945, the world has tried to ban nuclear weapons and failed. The
political differences between East and West continue and have more and
more been put on the back burner. When is the last time you heard talk
about a divided Germany or a divided Berlin? These and similar issues must
be dealt with before, or at least collaterally with, nuclear arms control.
The Soviet Union today, like France in the ’20s and ’30s, fears another
invasion from Germany. Since the turn of the century, Russia has been
invaded twice by the Germans, causing the death of millions. To prevent
this, the U.S.S.R. occupies all of Eastern Europe and part of Germany. The
Kremlin looks upon this strategy as defensive in nature; the West, from its
viewpoint, sees a huge military machine that could be used against it, and
also sees the injustice to Eastern Europe. What is needed is a political formula
to accommodate both sides’ fears and legitimate interests.
Many people feel that you cannot trust the Russians, that they never live
up to their agreements, and finally that once a country comes under Soviet
influence and control that country will remain under Soviet rule. Any political
accommodation with the Soviets is impossible. Such people ignore the
1955 agreement on Austria. After the Second World War, Austria was occupied
by the West and Russia. The 1955 treaty made Austria neutral, and all
foreign troops were withdrawn. For over 30 years East and West have abided
by that treaty.
The Austrian formula would not work for Germany. The Russians would
not risk a united Germany. The challenge facing all of us is to come up with
a formula for Germany and tie it to an arms control agreement.
There is a recent historical precedent that shows that the most difficult
political differences can be settled, and tremendous results can follow. In
the 1950s and ’60s, the U.S. and “Red” China were at each other’s throats.
Their troops were actually firing at each other on the Korean Peninsula.
The countries did not even have diplomatic relations. The U.S. had given
military guarantees to Taiwan; the Chinese vowed to regain it. If war did not
seem inevitable, at least a long cold war did seem certain.
Then, the two countries began to deal with the Taiwan issue. The U.S.
recognized the Peking regime, broke off diplomatic relations with Taiwan
and agreed to limit its arms sales to the Nationalist Chinese. The Chinese
tacitly agreed to refrain from using force to regain Taiwan and recognized
the special economic relationship between Taiwan and the U.S.
By this political accommodation, tensions were reduced, trade increased
and normalcy returned. If the U.S. and China can solve the Taiwan prob-